In the 1993 film Falling Down, Michael Douglas plays a
white former defense company employee reacting to the
humiliations that he sees imposed on him by a
multicultural society. “From the get-go,” wrote David
Gates in Newsweek, “the film pits Douglas—the picture
of obsolescent rectitude with his white shirt, tie,
specs, and astronaut haircut—against a rainbow
coalition of Angelenos. It's a cartoon vision of the
beleaguered white male in multicultural America.”
A plausible reaction to the demographic changes
underway in the United States could be the rise of an
anti-Hispanic, anti-black, and anti-immigrant movement
composed largely of white, working- and middle-class
males, protesting their job losses to immigrants and
foreign countries, the perversion of their culture,
and the displacement of their language. Such a
movement can be labeled “white nativism.”
“Cultured, intelligent, and often possessing
impressive degrees from some of America's premier
colleges and universities, this new breed of white
racial advocate is a far cry from the populist
politicians and hooded Klansmen of the Old South,”
writes Carol Swain in her 2002 book, The New White
Nationalism in America. These new white nationalists
do not advocate white racial supremacy but believe in
racial self-preservation and affirm that culture is a
product of race. They contend that the shifting U.S.
demographics foretell the replacement of white culture
by black or brown cultures that are intellectually and
morally inferior.
Changes in the U.S. racial balance underlie these
concerns. Non-Hispanic whites dropped from 75.6
percent of the population in 1990 to 69.1 percent in
2000. In California—as in Hawaii, New Mexico, and the
District of Columbia—non-Hispanic whites are now a
minority. Demographers predict that, by 2040,
non-Hispanic whites could be a minority of all
Americans. Moreover, for several decades, interest
groups and government elites have promoted racial
preferences and affirmative action, which favor blacks
and nonwhite immigrants. Meanwhile, pro-globalization
policies have shifted jobs outside the United States,
aggravated income inequality, and promoted declining
real wages for working-class Americans.
Actual and perceived losses in power and status by
any social, ethnic, racial, or economic group almost
always produce efforts to reverse those losses. In
1961, the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina was 43
percent Serb and 26 percent Muslim. In 1991, it was 31
percent Serb and 44 percent Muslim. The Serbs reacted
with ethnic cleansing. In 1990, the population of
California was 57 percent non-Hispanic white and 26
percent Hispanic. By 2040, it is predicted to be 31
percent non-Hispanic white and 48 percent Hispanic.
The chance that California whites will react like
Bosnian Serbs is about zero. The chance that they will
not react at all is also about zero. Indeed, they
already have reacted by approving initiatives against
benefits for illegal immigrants, affirmative action,
and bilingual education, as well as by the movement of
whites out of the state. As more Hispanics become
citizens and politically active, white groups are
likely to look for other ways of protecting
themselves.
Industrialization in the late 19th century produced
losses for U.S. farmers and led to agrarian protest
groups, including the Populist movement, the Grange,
the Nonpartisan League, and the American Farm Bureau
Federation. Today, white nativists could well ask: If
blacks and Hispanics organize and lobby for special
privileges, why not whites? If the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People and
the National Council of La Raza are legitimate
organizations, why not a national organization
promoting white interests?
White nationalism is “the next logical stage for
identity politics in America,” argues Swain, making
the United States “increasingly at risk of large-scale
racial conflict unprecedented in our nation's
history.” The most powerful stimulus to such white
nativism will be the cultural and linguistic threats
whites see from the expanding power of Hispanics in
U.S. society.
—S.P.H.